White-owned media has disparaged, dehumanized, and defamed people of color for thousands of years. That is the premise of the recently released News for All the People: The Epic Story of Race and the American Media by journalists and activists Juan González and Joseph Torres. This book is a meticulously researched history of modern mass communication and is an essential read for those interested in media policy and race relations. The authors of this timely book state, “It is our contention that newspapers, radio, and television played a pivotal role in perpetuating racists’ views among the general population. They did so by routinely portraying non-white minorities as threats to a white society and by reinforcing racial ignorance, group hatred, and discriminatory government policies.”
The History of Hate Speech in Media
Hate speech in the U.S. media has existed since the inception of this country and, unfortunately, has endured to the present day, continuing to cause great harm to targeted groups. This is one of the many reasons why this book is relevant and worth reading. As the poet and philosopher George Santayana said, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.”
The book narrates the early years of hate speech in media against Native Americans, African Americans, and Mexicans. Often, newspaper publishers would frame untrue narratives claiming that people of color routinely victimized innocent White citizens. According to González and Torres, “Indian barbarism . . . was the overriding theme of numerous news accounts about Native Americans in our early media.” According to the White-owned media, there was often justification for any White-led counter aggression.
Innovations in mass communications gave bigoted media an even larger audience. For instance, as detailed in the book, in 1833, the New York Sun launched the first penny newspaper, signaling the advent of the penny press. The penny press was revolutionary in that, for the first time, newspapers became accessible to the working class. Regrettably, according to González and Torres, the penny press also “became a key instrument in the spread of racism among America’s white working class.” In the late 1840s, the Associated Press (AP) was created and the model of sensational news appeared. The AP made it easier for newspapers across the country to republish racist distortions. The authors claim
that “the centralization of news delivery in late-nineteenth-century America represented a huge setback for the portrayal of race relations.”
As explored in the book, when radio first appeared, it duplicated the newspapers’ bigoted model. The high barriers of entry for this new industry made it substantially more difficult for ethnic media to enter the market and counter any negative portrayals. The authors state, “[R]adio programs in those early decades invariably disseminated a ‘white’ view of the world, and when they did portray non-whites, it was often though demeaning stereotypes.” As the government agency responsible for overseeing the use of the public airwaves, the Federal Radio Commission (FRC), the predecessor to today’s Federal Communications Commission (FCC), could not find the courage to stand up against racism. In 1927, it granted a broadcast license to a firm openly associated with the Ku Klux Klan, the Fellowship Forum. The new radio station, with the call letters WTFF, was subsequently granted a jump in power from 50 to 10,000 watts, significantly increasing its geographic reach.
Eventually, as detailed in the book, media companies would publicly apologize for promoting racism and condoning violent acts against vulnerable groups. In 2006, after fifty years had passed, the Tallahassee Democrat published an apology for not covering the city’s bus boycott following Rosa Parks’s arrest. The apology, in part as quoted in the book, states: “Leaders in that journey toward equality should have been able to expect support in ending segregation from the local daily newspaper, the Tallahassee Democrat. They could not.” In a later portion of the apology that the authors surprisingly excluded, it states, “[w]e not only did not lend a hand, we openly opposed integration, siding firmly with the segregationists.”
The book’s narration of the history of hate speech in the United States is riveting and enlightening. It is a shameful story that has been swept under the rug—until now. Yet, it is unfortunate that after providing such a complete historic perspective on hate speech in media, the authors bypass an important discussion on the hate speech that plagues media today. It would have been fascinating for González and Torres to train the caliber and depth of analysis exhibited in discussing the hate speech of the eighteenth and nineteenth century on the hate speech and media landscape of today. Perhaps this topic could spawn a worthy sequel to News for All the People.
The Importance of Ethnic Media
I am aware of no other book that has documented in such a complete manner the contributions made by ethnic media in the United States. The authors show great respect for the influences of ethnic media and provide a complete rundown of the most important newspapers for each community of color. We learn about talented and passionate people of color, often dissidents that made their mark by going against the mainstream media to keep their communities informed and empowered. Sadly, while certain ethnic media outlets made important strides in representing their particular communities, often their editorial pages would include racism against other ethnic groups. For example, some Native American and Hispanic newspapers supported slavery and would use the same
dehumanizing language against African Americans that the mainstream media at the time used.
A poignant story in the book about ethnic media highlights the world’s first Indian
newspaper, the Cherokee Phoenix (or Tsa-la-ge-Tsi-hi-sa-ni-hi), which was founded in 1828. As recounted by González and Torres, “Each issue of the weekly Phoenix faithfully chronicled Cherokee efforts to prevent incursions on their land by Georgia’s white settlers.” The Phoenix’s campaign against Indian removal became influential and widespread, despite attempts by the post office to curtail the newspaper’s distribution. Because of its influence, the Phoenix became a threat to local settlers. In 1835, as the newspaper was in the process of moving to a more secure location on Indian land in Tennessee, the Georgia Guard intercepted the wagon train carrying all of the Phoenix’s printing equipment and destroyed it, ending the extraordinary life of this significant
newspaper.
González and Torres draw attention to several journalist activists, among them José Martí, Ida B. Wells, Ng Poon Chew, and Jovita Idar. In 1880, Martí, a young Cuban political exile who would later become one of the great revolutionaries of Latin America, moved to New York City and spent fifteen years writing about life in the United States. As González and Torres contend, “Martí’s marvelous dispatches should long ago have accorded him a special place among America’s nineteenth-century newsmen, but because he wrote in Spanish he remains largely unknown in the very country where he practiced his best journalism.”
Wells, an African American schoolteacher and editor of a small newspaper, dedicated her life to “exposing America’s epidemic of lynching and race hatred” after three of her good friends were murdered by a White mob. Ng Poon Chew, a young clergyman, consistently empowered the Chinese American community by informing and advocating on relevant issues in the Chung Sai Yat Po (China’s West Daily). After the 1906 San Francisco earthquake, as mainstream media advocated for Chinatown to be removed from the downtown area, Poon Chew encouraged Chinese Americans to return to Chinatown and rebuild, which they did. The Chung Sai Yat Po was one of the longest-running and most influential Chinese papers in American history.
Finally, Mexican American editor Jovita Idar, along with her brothers, established the newspaper, La Crónica. As the best Hispanic newspaper along the border, “the paper repeatedly exposed not only segregation in the public schools, but the unjust seizures of Tejano land and lynchings of Texas Mexicans.” According to the authors, even though ethnic media played such an important and unique role for ethnic communities, it was invisible to mainstream media. Arguably, it still is.
The Role of Government
One argument presented throughout the book is the substantial government investment in the United States’ communication networks and private industries’ desire to maximize profit from networks that were partially built with taxpayers’ money. Private industry typically revolts against government regulation when in fact it has benefited greatly from government subsidies. This core statement reflects the authors’ belief that all taxpayers are entitled to have access to the communication networks that have been created, in part, with their money. The authors seem to suggest that if more people were aware of the notable public cost required to build communication networks, the public would demand access to these networks from the government. Additionally, the authors explain the
impact on various media policy decisions made throughout the years.
A look at the evolution of communication reveals that public versus private distinction has always played a role in the development of our networks. Upon the creation of the post office, a communication network was born that has allowed newspapers not only to be distributed to citizens from around the country but also to gain great influence in public opinion. The Postal Act of 1792 created second-class mail that still exists to this day, guaranteeing all printers low-cost distribution of their product.
As detailed in the book, the invention of the telegraph was followed by a long public debate on whether this new communication technology should be publicly or privately owned. Samuel Morse, the inventor, fearing private control of his new technology, offered to sell his patent to the government for $100,000. Congress rejected the offer. As a result of opting for the private model, the telegraph became twice as expensive in the United States as it was in Europe and accessible only to commercial companies and the wealthy. The trend that the penny press had started, of making mass communication accessible to all, was reversed with the telegraph. In the United States, the rich would receive the most
important news and information far ahead of the masses. According to González and Torres, due to the telegraph, “[T]he nation witnessed the rise of its first industrial monopoly, the Western Union Co., and of its first communications cartel, an alliance between Western Union and the Associated Press.”
During World War I, the U.S. Navy worked to harness radio effectively for the war effort. Following the war, the navy engineered the creation of a radio trust that would keep control of airwaves. The trust was known as the Radio Corporation of America (RCA). RCA was a consortium of key American wireless industry players who were shareholders of this new entity and agreed to work in cooperation, divide up their areas of interest, and make their patents available to each other. The Navy would have a seat on the board of directors. González and Torres reveal that, “RCA would go on to dominate commercial broadcasting for much of the twentieth century in much the same way as Western Union had dominated the telegraph in the late nineteenth century.” Smaller radio stations had no chance against RCA. The government helped create this conglomerate but did little to help people of color become radio station owners.
During the first years of the FCC, the commission was dominated by commissioners from Southern states. Unsurprisingly, according to the authors, “the agency did virtually nothing to address racial diversity in broadcast ownership.” By 1971, only ten of the nation’s 7,500 radio stations were owned by people of color, and it would take seven more years for the FCC to finally adopt its first official policy to promote minority ownership of broadcast stations.
By the time the book enters more familiar waters—the age of broadcast television, cable, and the Internet—anticipation has mounted for the authors to turn their unique perspective on a more familiar set of issues. However, the authors seem to have run out of pages to be as detailed as they were when discussing the policy decisions of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Although there is a brief discussion on Ma Bell, public access channels, and cable policy related issues, the quality and depth of discussion that readers are treated to in earlier chapters causes this later section to feel somewhat unsatisfying. Although this does little to diminish the great accomplishment of the work, readers in search of a more contemporary look at mass communications will find little of it in this volume.
Conclusion
Ultimately, News for All the People is an extraordinary resource for those interested in media policy issues in relation to race relations. The important research conducted by the authors and the rich history of ethnic media discovered throughout the pages are priceless. Nevertheless, at times the complexity of the subject matter could lead to a dry or difficult-to-follow experience for readers who lack a predisposition to the topic. This book is a
treasure, especially for people of color whose unique story is often forgotten by the mainstream. The authors write from their perspective—a perspective that often is missed by those who think little about the impact that policy has on people of color.